Hilal Ahmad addresses contemporary issues like the Gyanvapi mosque and the figure of Aurangzeb. He notes that these controversies are not new, but they resurface whenever right-wing politics gains prominence.
Religious polarisation and the rise of majoritarianism in India over the past decade have become a critical concern for scholars in Indian and South Asian studies.바카라 The rise of the Hindu right has posed significant challenges바카라to minorities in general and the Muslim minority in particular. Hilal Ahmed, in his book 바카라A Brief History of the Present: Muslims in New India바카라, analyses this Muslim minority question and how it came into being.
The first chapter of this book, titled 바카라Muslimness and Intellectual Politics,바카라 explores the concept of 바카라Muslimness바카라 in two ways: one is explaining Indian Islam as a lived religion while the other is Muslimness as a religious minority in purely statistical terms. The first provides it real-life meaning while the second looks at the Muslim identity in the national or Global question lens.
Further in the chapter, Ahmad explains the nature and ethics of a researcher, addressing himself as Muslim by religion but as researcher who is bound to follow ethics. He quotes Irena Akbar, saying 바카라A Muslim must speak as a Muslim바카라 and then puts up his view as a Muslim researcher, 바카라I do not want to give up my identity as Muslim, yet, at the same time, I do not want to talk only Muslim. I follow intellectual politics which encourages me to have a political stand without compromising with the established procedures and ethics of being an academician바카라.
In the second chapter, 바카라What is New in New India?바카라, Hilal Ahmad explores the historical changes since 2014 and how they have reshaped Muslim politics in India. He argues that the concept of 바카라New India바카라 is a well-formulated ideological framework, with the current regime promoting initiatives like Swachh Bharat, accessible Bharat, and cashless economy (p. 18). However, Ahmad argues its hollowness in the sense regime takes the credit of such grand initiates yet government takes no responsibility for providing employment. For instance, Prime Minister Modi once remarked that selling pakoras is also a form of employment. Ahmad questions whether this is the reality of New India, where unemployment is rampant, and inflation remains high.
The slogan 바카라Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas바카라, introduced by Modi in 2014, is scrutinized (p. 20). Ahmad hypothetically argues if it was merely a political move, as actions on the ground suggest otherwise. He highlights how political speeches have often targeted specific communities and promoted fringe elements that commit crimes against minorities, particularly Muslims. Under the guise of cow protection, groups like the BJP-backed Gau Rakshak Dal have been involved in the lynching of Muslims and Dalits. Ahmad questions whether this is truly the vision of New India that began in 2014, signaling the start of a new era.
In the third chapter, titled 바카라New India and the Muslim Historical바카라, Hilal Ahmad explores how Muslim history is being reinterpreted in the context of New India. He further explains the Modi바카라s classification of past that India's history is often divided into three periods: the first is the era of 바카라slavery바카라, beginning roughly 1000 to 1200 years ago; the second is the period of struggle and liberation; and the third, the present, is described as Amrit Kaal (p. 37).바카라
Ahmad delves into the evolving dynamics between so-called liberal Hindus and Hinduism, noting a shift in the stance of secular Hindus. Those who once championed pluralism, secularism, and socialism are now silent in the face of rising Hindu communalism. He argues that there is nothing inherently wrong with liberal intellectuals embracing Hinduism as an important identity marker, but he warns that this intellectual shift is dangerous as it subtly excludes Muslims under the guise of opposing an imagined anti-Hindu sentiment.
For example, Ahmad points to Pavan Kumar Varma, an Indian diplomat and author. Varma once praised the Mughal empire in his book 바카라Ghalib: The Man, The Times바카라, but in a later work, 바카라The Great Hindu Civilization: Achievement, Neglect, Bias and the Way Forward바카라 (2021), he argues that the arrival of Islam in India disrupted the 바카라unadulterated flow바카라 of the pure Hindu past (p. 41). Ahmad highlights this shift among liberal Hindus, who are becoming more aligned Hindutva, while remaining silent on issues facing minorities. He also notes that this silence is not limited to liberal Hindus but extends to so-called liberal Muslims as well.
In the fourth chapter, titled 바카라New India and the Muslim Cultural바카라, Hilal Ahmad addresses contemporary issues like the Gyanvapi mosque and the figure of Aurangzeb (p. 65). He notes that these controversies are not new, but they resurface whenever right-wing politics gains prominence. While these issues may have little direct impact on the daily lives of ordinary citizens, the BJP has made them a central part of its political agenda to garner Hindu votes.
Ahmad explains how Hindutva groups, such as the RSS and VHP, claim that many historical monuments, like the Gyanvapi mosque, were originally Hindu temples that were demolished by Muslim rulers. These narratives are strategically used to reinforce communal divides and fuel the BJP바카라s political ambitions.
In the fifth chapter, titled 바카라New India and Muslim Religion바카라, Ahmed explores the concepts of religiosity, Muslim self-consciousness, and the rise of Islamophobia or what he terms 바카라Muslim politicophobia바카라. He explains how the growing extremism of Hindutva has fostered a sense of collective identity among Muslims. Ahmed differentiates between Islamophobia, which refers to an intense dislike or fear of Islam or prejudice against Muslims바카라a notion rooted in Western discourse바카라and Muslim politicophobia, a more specific phenomenon in India. The fusion of global anti-Islam sentiment with India바카라s own brand of anti-Muslim communalism has created a new political consensus, which Ahmed refers to as 바카라Muslim politicophobia바카라 (p. 76).바카라
In the sixth chapter, titled 바카라New India and the Muslim Liberals바카라, Ahmed explores the question of who qualifies as a liberal Muslim. Many creative individuals바카라artists, authors, academics, and journalists바카라who speak out against illiberal tendencies and religious extremism as a moral responsibility are referred to as liberal Muslims. The term has two popular interpretations. One refers to individuals who uphold liberal, egalitarian values while maintaining their cultural and religious identity as Muslims.바카라
Ahmed raises several key questions regarding liberal Muslims: What is their sociological position, particularly in relation to the highly diverse and heterogeneous Muslim identity? How has the rise of Hindutva challenged their status and legitimacy in public life in recent years? And what qualifications are now required to be considered a 바카라good Muslim바카라 within the Hindutva-dominated discourse? The notion of the 바카라liberal Muslim바카라 is, in fact, a byproduct of India-specific, market-friendly liberalism. Ahmad Argues that it is important to note that this category has always been fluid and open-ended, encompassing progressive Muslims, socialist Muslims, cultural Muslims, and secular Muslims. (p. 94)
In the seventh chapter, titled 바카라New India and the Muslim Social바카라, Ahmed delves into the Pasmanda discourse, BJP바카라s strategies, and Muslim caste dynamics. He points out that the discourse surrounding Pasmanda Muslims is not a recent creation of the BJP바카라s political strategies. Muslim intellectuals have long discussed how the BJP has attempted to divide Muslims along lines of caste, sect, and differences between Shias and Sunnis. Ahmed highlights how the BJP frames its narrative to gain votes from Dalit Muslims (Pasmanda).
In the second section of the chapter, Ahmed discusses BJP바카라s professionalism, noting that the 바카라politics of professionalism바카라 often goes unnoticed in public debates. While Hindutva ideology is frequently overstated as the primary driving force behind BJP바카라s politics, the party바카라s electoral strategies and mobilization tactics extend beyond Hindutva rhetoric. This creates the impression that the BJP is strictly pursuing a vision of 바카라cultural nationalism바카라바카라in overtly Hindu terms, while its political maneuvers are more nuanced and professional.
In the eighth chapter, titled 바카라New India and the Muslim Political바카라, the author examines Muslim political attitudes, distinguishing between political participation as interaction and political participation as instrumental action. He maps out the various dimensions of Muslim political behavior in contemporary India.
In his concluding remarks, Ahmed brings together the key insights of the book, offering a comprehensive understanding of the political status of Muslims in New India. He emphasizes that, despite the BJP's ongoing efforts, the party still manages to secure only 8-9% of the Muslim vote. Ahmed presents his arguments in a coherent manner that ties together the broader themes of the book, making it a valuable resource for academics, everyday readers, and politicians alike who wish to understand the minorities issues facing New India.
(Haider Ali did his masters form Jamia Millia Islamia, Mohammad Asif is pursuing his Ph.D. from Jamia Millia Islamia)