When the Trinamool Congress (TMC) first came to power in West Bengal in 2011, says a hooch seller, he had to close down his business for a few months. It was not because Mamata Banerjee바카라s TMC was running any anti-alcoholism campaign. His illegal shop was located near the boundary of two police stations. The seller, a voter of the Chinsurah assembly segment within the Hooghly Lok Sabha seat in southern West Bengal, says that during the Left Front government rule, cops from only one police station used to reportedly ask for their 바카라monthly payment바카라. But after the TMC came to power, he allegedly faced payment demands from not only the other police station, but also from three local TMC leaders.
He got arrested, allegedly for refusing to pay up. On being released, he resumed his business only after settling the 바카라payments바카라 of these people. He alleges that prices of hooch and marijuana바카라both illegal items바카라shot up during the beginning of the TMC rule as 바카라protection money바카라 to the police and politicians increased with time.
But it is not just these contraband items that became costlier. Land, real estate and local businesses, dealers in all these sectors allegedly had to account for a 바카라cut바카라 or 바카라cuts바카라 for the local TMC leaders and 바카라syndicates바카라.


바카라Syndicate바카라 refers to extortion rackets involving unemployed youth that force people바카라whether realtors building apartments or individuals building a home for their family바카라to procure construction material from them at unreasonable rates.
The TMC sensed the trouble growing soon after coming to power. In August 2014, Jyotipriya Mallick, the TMC바카라s North 24 Parganas district unit president and influential minister, issued a circular to party workers and leaders in the district, forbidding them from being 바카라involved directly or indirectly with brick kilns, fisheries, syndicates and land dealings바카라. This circular came following repeated verbal warnings from Banerjee. But as the people of the state have experienced, the practice continues unabated.
바카라The CPI (M) used to steal fish from the pond. The TMC steals the pond itself,바카라 says Ujjwal Ghosh, a real estate broker in Bangihati that falls under the Serampore Lok Sabha constituency. In many parts of the state, disputes over the share of such unaccounted money earned through illegal or coercive means lead to inner-party rivalry and violence, often resulting in leaders of one faction of the TMC being accused in the murder of a leader of another faction of the party.


However, the TMC바카라s new challenger, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), offers Ghosh no hope. He says the Hindu nationalists divert public attention from the real issues with their communal rhetoric. As Ghosh speaks, a BJP rally passes by. Chants of 바카라Jai Shree Ram바카라 rent the air. A loudspeaker blares out a song from the genre that has become known as 바카라Hindutva pop바카라바카라disco music with toxic, anti-Muslim lyrics. In 2011, Communist, nationalist and patriotic songs were played at election rallies. But religion is now a part of the political mainstream.
In 2006, in the wake of the anti-displacement movements in Singur and Nandigram, the TMC dumped its ally, the BJP, to join hands with smaller Left parties to unseat the CPI (M)-led Left Front government. During the same period, retired Justice Rajinder Sachar-led committee바카라s report deeply impacted Bengal바카라s political culture, as it revealed the socio-economic backwardness of Muslims in West Bengal.
As the TMC took on the issue of Muslim backwardness, Muslim religious leaders and clerics such as Siddiqullah Chowdhury, state unit president of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and Noor ur Rahman Barkati, imam of Kolkata바카라s Tipu Sultan mosque started appearing on the TMC바카라s rallies, calling for a change in government. This marked the beginning of religion entering the mainstream of West Bengal politics.
Though the CPI (M) contested the Sachar Committee findings, it accepted the Ranganath Misra Commission바카라s 2009 recommendations of including some more backward Muslim communities under the Other Backward Classes (OBC) category바카라increasing the Muslim OBC reservation share from seven per cent to 17 per cent.
Citing the presence of Muslim religious leaders on the TMC바카라s dais and the CPI (M)바카라s Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government바카라s decision to increase Muslim OBC reservation, the BJP and the Sangh Parivar started building their base. By the time Narendra Modi emerged at the national level in 2013 with his Hindu nationalist agenda, the ground was set in West Bengal for a campaign against corruption and 바카라minority appeasement바카라. In another five years, the BJP overtook the Left as the TMC바카라s principal challenger.
About the major changes in the state바카라s political culture, Sabyasachi Basu Ray Chaudhury, a political scientist at Rabindra Bharati University in Kolkata, mentions the increase in personal attacks during political campaigns, the lack of ideological fight and an increase in the extent and scale of corruption. 바카라Earlier, the ideological battle between the Left and the Congress dominated the state바카라s politics and electoral campaigns. That is no longer there,바카라 says Basu Ray Chaudhury. He adds that in the era of neoliberal economy and populist politics, even the Communist parties are Communist only in name, and not in practice.
바카라Communist parties have little difference from the populist parties now. As the TMC has earned the confidence of the downtrodden through welfare schemes, the ideological battle has receded into the background,바카라 he says.
He points out that personal attacks in political campaigns largely remained under control during the Congress rule and the three decades of Left Front rule that followed. However, from the time of the Singur-Nandigram agitations, the CPI (M) leaders started losing control over their language. This new language of personal attacks became the new normal for Bengal.
He, though, does not blame the TMC alone for the increase in the extent and scale of corruption. 바카라We discuss the corruption of the babus and the netas, but corruption has actually increased in all sections of the society as an impact of the neoliberal economy that puts money at the centre of everything,바카라 he says.
While corruption under the TMC rule has shocked and disgusted a section of the electorate, there also are many who do not care. 바카라The TMC people steal more but also work more,바카라 says a homemaker in Chinsurah town, part of the Hooghly Lok Sabha constituency. She points out that the municipal corporator in their ward used to be a 바카라real gentleman바카라, but the new TMC corporator is 바카라an illiterate to the core바카라. By illiterate, she does not mean lack of degrees, but lack of 바카라basic education바카라. Yet, she concedes that the TMC corporator has done more work. 바카라Everybody knows his only intention of being in politics is to make money, but we can also see that the amenities improved after he took charge,바카라 she says.
Whether Bengal바카라s political culture will undergo further changes, and in which direction, depends a lot on how the Left-Congress candidates perform in the elections.
A Lokniti-CSDS post-poll survey of the 2021 assembly election found that 23.9 per cent respondents fully agreed with the statement 바카라there is a lot of corruption in the TMC바카라, 27.3 per cent somewhat agreed, 12.5 per cent somewhat disagreed and 17.4 per cent fully disagreed. Yet, the TMC got 48.5 per cent of the polled votes in the 2021 assembly election. Understandably, some people voted for the TMC despite considering the party corrupt.
Economist Maitreesh Ghatak wrote in a 2021 article, 바카라Despite the state바카라s lack of economic dynamism, the rate of growth of purchasing power in rural areas of West Bengal has been higher than the national average during the TMC rule.바카라 As visits to different parts of Serampore, Hooghly and Howrah Lok Sabha seats reveal, many of Banerjee바카라s welfare schemes enjoy popularity.
According to Udayan Bandyopadhyay, a political scientist at Bangabasi College in Kolkata, major changes in Bengal바카라s political culture include the waning relevance of 바카라negativist politics like bandhs바카라 and change in the nature of political violence.
바카라During the Left rule, there were prolonged political turf wars throughout the year. Mass lynching on Kolkata바카라s Bijon Setu and large-scale killings in Birbhum바카라s Nanoor and West Midnapore바카라s Chhoto Angaria shocked and silenced opponents. Now political violence comes to the fore only during election time, mainly the panchayat election,바카라 says Bandyopadhyay.
At the same time, the flow of illegal money in politics, which was under control during the Left rule, has become part of the political mainstream during the TMC rule.
바카라Now, people need to spend money to get every work done. At every step, someone is asking for commissions. Extortion and syndicate rackets were sporadic in the past, but have now become very powerful, all over the state,바카라 says Bandyopadhyay.
While the BJP hopes to unsettle the TMC by blending an anti-corruption campaign with Hindutva sentiments, there is a new churning, at least in some pockets, with a section of the people getting disappointed with both the TMC and the BJP and looking for a third alternative. The Left바카라s fresh faces like the Jadavpur candidate, Srijan Bhattacharya, and the Serampore candidate Dipsita Dhar, who are in their 30s, have drawn significant public attention with their oratory skills.
According to data compiled by political analyst Spandan Roy Basunia, of the state바카라s 42 Lok Sabha seats, the combined votes of the Left and the Congress in the 2023 panchayat election stood higher than the BJP바카라s in Birbhum, Asansol, Bardhaman-Durgapur, Bardhaman Purba, Serampore, Jadavpur, Diamond Harbour, Basirhat, Barasat, Dumdum, Krishnanagar, Baharampur, Jangipur, Murshidabad, Malda Dakshin, Malda Uttar and Raiganj Lok Sabha seats.
Of these, the combined vote share of the Left and the Congress was above 20 per cent in Birbhum, Bardhaman-Durgapur, Bardhaman Purba, Hooghly, Sreerampur, Jadavpur, Barasat, Barrackpore, Krishnanagar, Baharampur, Jangipur, Murshidabad, Malda Dakshin, Malda Uttar and Raiganj. In Bankura, Purulia, though the BJP was ahead of the Left-Congress combined votes, the latter바카라s share was above 20 per cent.
Whether Bengal바카라s political culture will undergo further changes, and in which direction, depends a lot on how the Left-Congress candidates perform in the elections. The BJP failed to maintain its 2019 momentum in 2021. If the Left shows any signs of recovery, the plot might be in for a twist.
Snigdhendu Bhattacharya in Kolkata
(This appeared in the print as 'Shine Off Sonar Bangla')