Book Review: 바카라�Saffron Republic바카라� Explores 바카라�Governmental Hindutva바카라� And Fills Other Gaps In Literature On Hindu Nationalism

Departing from psephologically oriented analysis, the authors trace everyday practices of Hindutva in its four sections of the book namely rule, articulation, inclusion, and violence, and delineate how Hindutva practices have been embedded in the society which has been working as a 바카라�patronage network바카라� at all levels of society. Fittingly, the editors argue: 바카라�If Hindutva ideologues have been able to capture the levers of power in significant political, cultural, and educational institutions in India, they have done so through established means.바카라�

Analysing various Hindutva think tanks, Roy바카라�s chapter departs from explaining the formation of social and ideological identity on an individual level to an institutional level which led to the homogenisation of various state institutions. This process she calls mainstreaming of governmental Hindutva. Roy argues that, with the help of various right-wing think tanks, this government succeeded in shifting the focus from Hindutva violence to the various right-wing think tank conclaves which enables the process of democratic functioning of institutions but with Hindutva ideology as an integral part of it. The following process of mainstreaming of governmental Hindutva is an attempt to answer a question which the author has posed at the outset of the chapter: 바카라�What changes when Hindu Nationalism is the currency of rule and not protest?바카라� 

Another void in Hindu Nationalism literature which this book fills with empirical evidence is drawing a resemblance in the working of populist forces outside and in India. Amrita Basu바카라�s chapter has taken this debate of populism in India more aptly by drawing a resemblance with religious nationalism post-2014 and arguing that Hindutva politics succeeded in equating the Hindu identity with the Indian identity. Basu notes:바카라�Modi has spoken of a threat to not merely Hindu identity but also Indian identity, by conflating opposition to the current government바카라�s policies with being anti-Indian and anti-Hindu.바카라� 

Highlighting the 바카라�latent majoritarianism바카라� which very often led to the 바카라�latent violence바카라� in West Bengal, Ritajyoti바카라�s chapter has extended the debate of populism to 바카라�left populism바카라� by mapping out the process of cultural othering of ghettos, real estate dynamics, and communal tension. These three dynamics led to the structural relationship between the majoritarian city and its minority ghettos. 바카라�It may be argued that the period of Left rule enabled latent majoritarianism by subsuming communal and caste contradictions into class issues. The government could not make the Muslims of the city feel secure about their futures. The spectre of riots continued to loom large among the city바카라�s Muslims. In sum, latent majoritarianism thrived during the Left rule which found a powerful political articulation after Narendra Modi came to power in 2014,바카라� noted Ritajyoti. 

Another theme that this book has covered succinctly is the idea of 바카라�new Hindutva바카라� and the factors leading to it. Authors have used the term articulation (which they borrowed from Jamaican-British sociologist, Stuart Hall) as the theme of their second section of the book to analyse the factors of new Hindutva, which defines the intermingling of cultural forms and ideological constructs. 바카라�New Hindutva advances through a contingent, decentralized, and flexible series of actions and events that are shaped by localized contexts and imperatives and yet (re-)produce a Hindu majoritarian social order,바카라� notes the book. 

An interesting chapter by Thomas Blom Hansen explains the articulation of new Hindutva through three different prisms: re-interpretation of history and historical memory; rise of Hindutva in city with the declining significance of historically dominant Muslim population in city and its economy; and social and spatial segregation of Muslims and Hindus. These three as a new Hindutva factor led to what he termed as 바카라�communal common sense바카라� in Aurangabad city. 

Chapters by Arkotong Longkumer, Suryakant Waghmore, and Lalit Vachani have captured the idea of inclusion in Hindutva politics by situating Hindutva in everyday empirical politics. Arkotong situated Hindutva with various examples of 바카라�cultural appropriation바카라� (factor of new Hindutva) like drawing resemblance between indigenous faiths and the larger Hindu cultural and religious universe. Waghmore in his chapter takes the caste system as a new Hindutva factor to create a dichotomy between popular Hinduism and Hindutva. While chapter by Vachani argues that the creation of Muslim Rashtriya Manch (MRM) itself is one of the new Hindutva factors which just use Muslims for a symbolic representation. 바카라�Primary goal of the MRM is not to change the consciousness of the Indian Muslim. Instead, the MRM aims to set political agenda and themes for public discussion, and stage scenes and circulate images primarily for consumption by the Hindu nation and the RSS rank and file,바카라� notes the book.

Chapters by Irfan Ahmad, Mona Bhan, and Pravis Ghassem-Fachandi give new perspectives for understanding the violence under the aegis of the new Hindutva. Ahmad바카라�s chapter is primarily set around politics of naming where by using the methodology of Begriffsgechicbte on the Delhi violence (2020) as a case study, he argues how by using the term 바카라�riot바카라� instead of 바카라�pogrom바카라�, the Hindutva government normalise the violence against Muslims and situate both Hindu-Muslim equal responsible for it and to which he termed as 바카라�ditto theory바카라�. By giving various empirical evidence of Delhi Police's direct involvement in violence against Muslims, he termed Delhi violence as an anti-Muslim pogrom. 바카라�The police kicked nine-month-pregnant Parveena in her stomach, beat her with a baton, and insultingly hurled the following: 바카라�Ye-Lo-Azadi바카라� (Here, take your freedom; The Patriot 2020),바카라� notes the book. 

Bhan바카라�s chapter busts myths around the claims that abrogation of Article 370 will garner foreign direct investments (FDIs) and help Kashmir in securing peace and development. In an encompassing manner, Bhan demonstrates that Kashmir was economically much better than other North-Indian states, thus subtly challenging the Home Minister바카라�s claims of under-development as a rationale for the abrogation of Article 370.  

The last chapter of a book by Fachandi opens up new research perspectives in the area of violence by studying the non-Muslims바카라� post-pogrom reaction towards Muslims. He explores these reactions in the context of what he termed as 바카라�guilt바카라�. Interestingly, in his study author find Hindus바카라� reaction as 바카라�natural reaction바카라� which legitimise violence by Hindus on Muslims. At his site in Gujarat, the author came across various wall writings such as 바카라�It is an open secret; the Modi government is with us바카라�. This often leads to the general psychological mobilisation of violence. 

Overall, the book has successfully captured all the factors which led to the rise of new Hindutva and also opens up a new perspective for understanding Hindutva nationalism post-2014. The book, however, fails to take into account the influence of 바카라�one-man personality바카라� as the driving force behind the consciousness of Hindu nationalism. This book is a must-read for scholars interested in the subject of Indian Politics and particularly for those who want to understand changing voting behaviour in Indian politics. 

The book 바카라�Saffron Republic: Hindu Nationalism and State Power in India바카라�, edited by Thomas Blom Hansen and Srirupa Roy, has been published by Cambridge University Press

(Mohd Alfaz Ali is a Doctoral fellow at the Centre for the Study of Social Exclusion and Inclusive Policy, Jamia Millia Islamia. His research interest lies in identity and violence, the question of Secularism and communalism with Hindutva politics as a case study. He Can be contacted at mdalfaz129@gmail.com. Views expressed are personal.)