Speak, memory? Not in a country where tongues are cut off, literally and metaphorically. And capital punishment awaits the offender, by the roadside and in country fields. There바카라s enough 바카라real life바카라 in India, too much of it바카라but let us consider fiction. Remember Article 15? Two young girls had asked for a hike in their daily wage, by a mere three rupees. The contractor taught them a lesson. (By raping and killing them. Since you ask, that바카라s the normal currency in these parts.) How dare a 바카라lower caste바카라 ask questions? How dare these dispossessed people, supposed to sell their labour the way it바카라s defined in the holy scriptures, demand rights? How dare they speak? The film, noticed, among other things, for placing a do-gooder Brahmin cop in the centre of the frame바카라was based loosely on real life, the Badaun gangrape-cum-murder case. Remember Paatal Lok? A Dalit mother was raped by a hundred men바카라it was retribution for her rebel son standing up to dominant caste bullying. The Dalits and oppressed castes have to be terrorised and disciplined in order to ensure dominance, and what could be a more complete way to do it than violating a Dalit woman바카라s body? It accomplishes real and symbolic violence together. That바카라s why rape and gendered violence have always been used as a political tool to contain power within the sway of the ruling class/castes for a long time now. From the old 바카라nidan바카라 of a Shudra woman having to produce her first child with the 바카라grace바카라 of a Brahmin man to the horrific Laxmanpur Bathe incident of 1997 where Ranvir Sena militia casually mixed rape with massacre, the Dalit woman바카라s body has been created and recreated as a site of violence to rip apart the aspirations of the marginalised.
Today, when we shiver with horror at Hathras gang-rape horror and our timelines get flooded with news containing graphic detail about the mutilation wrought on a Dalit girl바카라s body, why does not even a single headline talk about who the rapists were? What was their caste? Why does this question never cross our mind? Why, even after a thorough search, the caste name of criminals is hushed? What is this fear, or this obsession we have, to make invisible the caste identity of the oppressor, particularly if they come from dominant caste groups? The men who raped the 19-year-old girl in Hathras are Rajputs/Thakurs, the one community that owns perhaps the largest share of land in rural India. Why are media houses that were so comfortable reporting the victimhood of a Dalit woman so chary about exposing the immense power that dominant castes still hold on to?
"A rape is rape, why do you bring caste into it?"
India is primarily a caste society. Neither democracy nor a liberal Constitution has changed that. It바카라s a caste society that determines your access to resources tangible and intangible (such as knowledge), and ownership of the means of production (such as land), almost exclusively on the basis of the family you are born into. The 19-year-old girl, raped and left brutalised as she was collecting fodder near a bajra field, was born in a Valmiki family. According to the caste system designed by and for the elite castes, Shudras and those 바카라below바카라 are not allowed to own land. She and her kinsfolk are people who have nothing apart from their labour to sell to stay alive. They are the workers of the feudal economy: they plough the fields, build everyone바카라s houses, clean toilets, cremate the dead. Work that not only requires physical labour but is also deemed 바카라polluted바카라 and 바카라polluting바카라: dvijas, or those believed to be born of Brahma바카라s upper body, cannot engage in such activities. So, one whole section of the working class comes from the oppressed castes. The ruling castes maintain a near-immaculate 바카라ritual purity바카라 when it comes to ownership of land, or exclusive rights to knowledge or to the surplus from other바카라s labour. This feudal caste society is the reality of India, even modernised urban spaces carry its burden. That바카라s why it바카라s important that we talk about the social location of the victim as well as the one who is inflicting the violence, since their power to violate someone is drawn from their social relation. That relation is a function of who owns what, where and how바카라the dyad that ties both oppressor and oppressed in a relationship is based on these relations, which are determined primarily by caste in India. So it바카라s actually an incomplete picture바카라a criminal denial, in fact, if one see incidents such as the Hathras rape only from a gender angle, ignoring the inherent structural biases that enable a handful of communities to exploit and oppress a large majority of Indian people.
Caste beyond surname
Many people ask how, even after the incorporation of modern institutions such as a judiciary system, police and liberal democracy, a few people can manage to continue oppressing a majority of Indians just because they own land? That바카라s because they are unable to comprehend the sheer spread of caste, its collective and modernised being; they tend to reduce caste to something individual and atomised, a relic, a mere consciousness of heritage that goes away with modernity or changes in feudal land relations. India바카라s caste regime has proven them wrong. Caste capital is not only about owning tangibles, it also entails a huge accumulation of specific cultural and social capital. The ruling caste monopoly over knowledge has helped them insinuate themselves in all modern institutions바카라bureaucracy, police, judiciary, media. The over-representation of ruling castes in high-paid institutional jobs will produce such lopsided data graphics that the other castes will be difficult to map. From the havaldar of the local thana to the top judge, caste solidarity gets woven and built like a mammoth web, so much so that a Dalit woman will have a hard time even getting an FIR for rape filed.
Four Dalit women are raped every day, there are cases where women are raped inside the police station as they go to file a complaint of sexual harassment, there are also cases where, even if rape charges are registered, the SC/ST Atrocities Act will not be brought it, come what may. NCRB data shows the conviction rate for crimes against Dalits and Adivasis is much lower than the rest. What else is this if not institutional, structural bias built around caste solidarities between criminal, police and judiciary?
That바카라s why Dalit women바카라s bodies can be made an easy site of violence: there바카라s no risk, no price to pay, the perpetrator is confident about the impunity, the social-political protection he gets by virtue of being from a ruling caste. This used to be an implicit bias바카라a tendency to favour바카라but now it바카라s totally brazen and demanded as a right. We even saw a 바카라Rashtriya Savarna Parishad바카라 come out in support of the rapists바카라the 바카라betas바카라 of the community who can never do anything wrong. Boys will be boys. And Thakur boys will be Thakur boys.
To get back to Article 15, it represented this caste phalanx with the usual dramatis personae: the thekedar, two policemen, a minister, a senior law enforcement officer from a different geography (but similar savarna persuasions). And the two Dalit men, the fathers of the victims, were easily criminalised by proposing that they would kill their own children since they could not take a probable affair between the two girls. Bringing in the feudal concept of 바카라honour바카라 and applying it on Dalits suffices to kill all birds with one stone바카라it satisfies society바카라s patriarchal yearning, as if this was some natural law, and it helps the old ruling ethos maintain itself. That바카라s why gender cannot be seen in isolation, it cannot be gauged without taking the class/caste element it바카라s embedded in. To smash patriarchy, one has to smash feudal-capitalist and caste power relationships simultaneously.
The girl바카라s body was "cremated" in the dead of night, as if by stealth, by police, with the distraught family kept away. While burning into ashes, she didn바카라t have half of her tongue, her spine and neck were broken, her lower body had been paralysed after the incident. But she fought, she fought for 14 days, and identified the culprits. That 19-year-old girl could be anything but not dead. Though she바카라s burning in front of all of our eyes, what바카라s really on that funeral pyre is all the unkept promises of our Constitution. And that fire insists on speaking: it is saying that there will be no peace till there is justice.
(Dipsita Dhar is a research scholar at JNU. Views expressed are personal.)
