When US President Donald Trump claimed credit for persuading India and Pakistan to 바카라stop fighting바카라 and threatened to end trade with both countries if they did not fall in line, not once but twice in Washington and in Riyadh, it wasn바카라t just the bravado that caught New Delhi off guard바카라it was the framing.
바카라I said, come on, we바카라re going to do a lot of trade with you guys. Let바카라s stop it. Let바카라s stop it. If you stop it, we바카라ll do a trade. If you don바카라t stop it, we바카라re not going to do any trade,바카라 Trump told reporters at the White House. 바카라And all of a sudden they said, 바카라I think we바카라re going to stop,바카라바카라 he added, according to reports in the American media. He admitted there were other reasons too, 바카라... but trade is a big one.바카라 Pakistan바카라s leaders praised the US for the ceasefire and thanked Trump profusely. India was not amused.
Once again, India was being bracketed with Pakistan, a comparison odious to New Delhi and something on which it had spent diplomatic capital for over two decades to overcome. Now when all seemed to go swimmingly well for India, Trump threw cold water on this assumption. For Indian policymakers, the statement was more than a diplomatic faux pas바카라it was a symptom of a deeper problem.
Questions came thick and fast from analysts. Where had Indian foreign policy gone wrong? Is India back to square one, being bracketed with Pakistan? What about India바카라s comprehensive and global partnership with the US? European partners, as well as leaders in the Middle East and the Global South, called for quick de-escalation. None of this was of use when push came to shove.
바카라India has received understanding and sympathy for the Pahalgam terror strike. However, Operation Sindoor is often seen as an India-Pakistan issue over Kashmir,바카라 says Gurjit Singh, a former ambassador to Germany, explaining the international community바카라s attitude. 바카라We have to enhance efforts to get our point of view accepted. We need support to get The Resistance Front (TRF) under the UNSC 1267 committee. We need to activate our counter-terrorism dialogue with strategic partners,바카라 he adds.
Despite Prime Minister Narendra Modi바카라s huge international outreach, his constant travels around the world, and his warm embrace of global leaders바카라from Trump, French President Emmanuel Macron to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Russian President Vladimir Putin바카라personal relations did not come to the fore during the current crisis. Everyone condemned the Pahalgam attack, but did not point fingers at Pakistan. A far cry from the time when former US President Bill Clinton wagged a finger at President Pervez Musharraf during a visit to Islamabad in March 2000.
바카라The crisis was an act of terrorism in which innocent civilians were killed. This is the issue on which the diplomatic response has to be judged. Not India-Pakistan relations,바카라 says Asoke Mukerji, India바카라s former ambassador to the UN. 바카라If we keep this focus on countering terrorism, our hope should be that the US will follow through on its solidarity with India by rolling up Pakistan바카라s terror infrastructure, including funding, and imposing sanctions if Pakistan does not comply,바카라 he says. Mukerji바카라s response echoes the general feeling in India and people바카라s disappointment at Trump equating India and Pakistan.
With unpredictable Trump, nothing can be taken for granted. He blows hot and cold. He is pragmatic and can change his stand if it does not suit his purpose.
Many Indians see the US action as a betrayal. After all, the Modi government had gone out of its way to woo Trump. Public sentiment against Pakistan after the Pahalgam massacre is at an all-time high. So much so that Indian tourists are refusing to go to Türkiye and Azerbaijan for siding with Pakistan during the current crisis.
Old-timers remember America바카라s past fast friendship with Pakistan, and how during the Bangladesh war, it had sided decisively with Islamabad. Indira Gandhi, as prime minister, had visited Washington and European capitals to brief them on the atrocities of the Pakistan Army in the Eastern wing of the country. It was to no avail. She finally signed a friendship treaty with Russia before sending the Indian Army to help the Mukti Bahini and carve out an independent Bangladesh. However, that was decades ago.
Today, despite the hiccup in ties바카라thanks to Trump바카라s penchant for shooting from the hip, and claiming credit for everything바카라Delhi and Washington will not allow this to torpedo relations. Both countries share strategic concerns about the rise of China. Washington바카라s current warmth and outreach to India has much to do with countering China바카라s growing political and economic power that in years to come could challenge America바카라s superpower status. For India, friendship with the US is an insurance against China in Asia. At the moment, India is peeved, but in a couple of weeks, the US administration will make efforts to placate India. Both sides will then need to work to repair bilateral relations. The process will take a couple of months till a trade deal is finalised. That could happen by the end of the year, according to people involved with the negotiations. America is also eyeing India바카라s huge market while India is looking towards the US for high-tech collaboration, factors that will continue to be the driving force in keeping the relations intact. It will take time for India-US ties to get back to the stage it was before the current crisis.
바카라I think the underlying relationship is strong, but President Trump is very influenced by evolving events and makes policies on the fly and in the short-term that belie the strength of the relationship. India is an important partner in the region바카라the US would like her to help balance against China바카라so it would be against US geostrategic interests to have the relationship flounder,바카라 says Joanna Spear of Washington바카라s Elliott School of International Affairs.
India Pushback
India did not take Trump head-on. Instead, it concentrated on pushing back the American narrative for its domestic audience. India insists that Pakistan opted for the ceasefire after its air bases across the country were hit and damaged. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), while confirming that American officials worked the phone lines, categorically denied that trade was mentioned during the talks. Allowing no scope for third-party intervention in India-Pakistan issues, External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar declared this week: 바카라So, let me take this opportunity to spell out our position. One, where Pakistan is concerned, our relations, our dealings with them will be bilateral, and strictly bilateral. That is the national consensus for many years.바카라 Pakistan has always tried to internationalise its dispute with India and get a third country to broker peace.
India insists that Pakistan opted for the ceasefire after its air bases across the country were hit and damaged.
When Prime Minister Modi came to power in 2014, he initiated his government바카라s 바카라neighbourhood first바카라 policy. Leaders of all South Asian countries, including Pakistan바카라s then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif, were invited to his inauguration. On Christmas Day 2015, Modi took the unprecedented step of an unscheduled stopover at Lahore to greet Sharif on his birthday바카라he was on his way back from an official visit to Afghanistan. There was hope of peace in the air. But with the terror attack on the Pathankot Air Force Station on January 2, 2016, all efforts at peace-making flew out of the window. After that, things went steadily downhill with terror strikes in 2016 and 2019. Modi바카라s trust was completely broken and India framed its new policy of 바카라terror and talks can바카라t go together바카라. The scrapping of Kashmir바카라s special status further eroded ties. The April 22 Pahalgam terror attack was the final blow to any hope of improving relations. New Delhi repeatedly said that Operation Sindoor was on pause, meaning any misadventure by Pakistan-based terrorists would be met with force.
The rest of the world views the issue with a different prism. 바카라Kashmir remains one of the most dangerous flashpoints in the world. It is one of the most heavily militarised regions on the planet, and its proximity to China adds another layer of strategic risk. On top of that, the adjacent Ladakh region바카라where India and China have their own contested border바카라further complicates the picture. Clashes there, like those we have seen in recent years, show how quickly localised tensions can escalate,바카라 says Ali Mammadov of George Mason University.
While India rises on the global stage, its footing closer home remains uncertain. Its relations with its neighbours have seen several ups and downs. Modi was immensely popular in Nepal when he first visited the country in August 2014. But that was short-lived, after the constitutional standoff and India바카라s blockade of the country. Bangladesh, India바카라s closest ally till Sheikh Hasina바카라s ouster, is now almost a hostile neighbour. Maldives and Sri Lanka have both seen fluctuations in bilateral ties. China바카라s growing economic power and its presence in India바카라s neighbourhood have given smaller countries a choice that was earlier not available.
Post-1991 Economic Reforms
Since India opened its markets to the world after the 1991 economic reforms, New Delhi바카라s relations with the US and the West transformed. The defeat of Communism and the breakdown of the former Soviet Union helped the country to replace the Nehruvian-era socialist mindset and the accompanying non-aligned foreign policy, which dominated the years immediately after Independence. New Delhi바카라s support for liberation movements across the world was also toned down. The Narasimha Rao government upgraded relations with Israel, while New Delhi바카라s support for the Palestinian cause was gradually diluted. India was one of the first non-Arab countries to recognise the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) as the sole representative of the Palestinian people. A PLO office was set up in Delhi in 1975. PLO Chief Yasser Arafat was then a close friend of India. Today, India바카라s support for Israel has replaced much of its earlier empathy for the Palestinian cause.
Successive Indian and US administrations have forged closer relations since the landmark civil nuclear deal was signed in 2005 by late Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and President George W. Bush. During Joe Biden바카라s tenure, India got a lot of leverage and was able to stand by old friend Russia during the Ukraine war, and buy oil at reduced rates despite sweeping sanctions that Washington slapped on Moscow. The Biden administration had minimal interaction with Pakistan. But with unpredictable Trump, nothing can be taken for granted. He blows hot and cold. He is pragmatic and can change his stand if it does not suit his purpose. New Delhi needs to draw some lessons from the current crisis. It is best to draw the red lines on issues of national interest even at the cost of displeasing a temperamental American president. Keeping quiet or ignoring remarks made by Trump does not help. To quote Jaishankar바카라s remarks on foreign policy: 바카라So my sense for a foreign policy ahead would really be to think big, to think long, but to think smart.바카라 India needs to think smart and concentrate on growing its economy. Economic heft counts the most in a world of flux.
Seema Guha is a senior journalist covering foreign affairs
This article is part of Outlook바카라s 1 June 2025 issue, 'Gated Neighbourhood', which examines the state of diplomacy, media, and democracy in the wake of the ceasefire. It appeared in print as 'No Brokerhood!'
