This story was published as part of Outlook Magazine's 'Future Tense' issue, dated October 11, 2024. To read more stories from the Issue, click here.
The day was September 29, 1944. The annual session of the National Conference (NC) at Srinagar was bustling with fresh energy. The fight against the ruling Dogra dynasty had reached its peak. Sheikh Abdullah, popularly known as Sher-e-Kashmir, declared a new beginning바카라the promise of a 바카라Naya Kashmir바카라. Carefully choosing his words, Abdullah said, 바카라The NC fights for the poor, against those who exploit them; for the toiling people of our beautiful homeland against the heartless ranks of the socially privileged...
Cut to 2024.
Much water has flowed along the Jhelum바카라s banks over the past eight decades. But the promises made by Abdullah, now represented by the Sher-e-Kashmir바카라s son Farooq and grandson Omar, remain constant, albeit in a different spatiotemporal context. This time, the NC바카라s election manifesto for the ongoing assembly polls pledges yet another 바카라Naya Kashmir바카라. One, that would undo the 바카라injustices바카라 meted out to the land and its people over the years.
The NC, however, is no longer the only articulator of a 바카라Naya Kashmir바카라.
In 2023, after the Supreme Court upheld the abrogation of Article 370, Prime Minister Narendra Modi expressed his hope for a 바카라바카라brighter future바카라바카라 that is about to shape 바카라Naya Jammu and Kashmir바카라. As the union territory goes to polls after ten years, contesting NC and BJP narratives over the ingredients of a 바카라Naya Kashmir바카라, coupled with promises of 바카라바카라development바카라바카라 made by the major political parties in the fray, captures the shift in the politics of the erstwhile state.


While the early days of Sheikh Abdullah, till his arrests in 1953, heralded a time of economic reforms, the politics of the 1970s to the days of militancy in 1987, was centred on the question of the restitution of the autonomy. The post-militancy phase marked the bridging of the separatist and mainstream narratives coupled with the emergence of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) as one of the main regional forces.
These battles of narratives were followed by two major transitions, the PDP바카라s unanticipated bonhomie with the Bhartiya Janta Party (BJP) and the abrogation of Article 370, which changed the politics of the Valley forever.
Politics of Autonomy
In the first assembly election after the abrogation, regional parties expectedly invoked the restoration of Article 370 as an important poll plank. Claiming credit for including the critical element of special status in the Constitution, the NC has pledged to restore both Article 370 and 35A of the Constitution, which bestow 바카라바카라special status바카라바카라 and domicile rights to native Kashmiris. The idea of 바카라바카라political autonomy바카라바카라, however, remains at the core of its electoral promises. The first pledge in the party바카라s poll manifesto reads: 바카라(We will) strive for the full implementation of the Autonomy Resolution passed by the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly in 2000.바카라
In Sheikh Abdullah바카라s reign, the original framework for autonomy for J&K included a separate flag and constitution for the state. However, it was never fully implemented. With the 1975 Delhi Accord leading to Abdullah바카라s return to Kashmir politics, the claim gradually lost relevance.
A former professor at the University of Jammu and a scholar of Kashmir politics, Rekha Chowdhary says, 바카라In 1975, the Government of India clearly said to Sheikh Abdullah that the clock cannot be turned back. So, the proposition of 바카라autonomy바카라 is more a political rhetoric than one having any concrete foundations.바카라 Referring to the NC바카라s claims of the restoration of Article 370, Chowdhary adds, 바카라Even Farooq Abdullah states that it might take a hundred years to restore the pre-2019 situation. Talk about restoration of autonomy is rhetoric only, it is for the political consumption of the voters.바카라


As militancy and separatism took over Kashmir바카라s politics, forcing the NC into 바카라political hibernation바카라, the claim for autonomy gathered more dust, until it was reiterated just ahead of the 1996 elections, when the NC바카라s political resolution said: 바카라The time has come when this state of affairs should be reviewed in order to restore autonomy to its pristine and original form.바카라
After a decisive win in the 1996 elections, the NC government, led by Chief Minister Farooq Abdullah, formed a committee to review the status of autonomy accorded to the northern state, as part of its promise to voters.
After three years, the committee바카라s report concluded that 바카라serious deviations were made and vital positions were altered in the state바카라s constitutional relationship with the centre by repeated application of constitutional orders, with the result that Article 370 was 바카라emptied of its substantive content바카라.바카라
Resolutions reiterating autonomy passed by the state assembly were outright rejected by the then National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government at the Centre. Despite this, the NC continued to align itself with the power structure at the Centre, first supporting the Union Front in 1996 and then joining its rival alliance, the NDA, in 1999. In the Union Front government, the party MP Saif Uddin Soz even got a ministerial berth.
In 1998, during the no-confidence motion against the Vajpayee government, Soz went against the party whip and voted against the government, leading to its untimely fall. But that didn바카라t stop the NC from continuing to mingle with the BJP. Omar Abdullah went on to become the external affairs minister during the NDA-I government. Abdullah바카라s silence during the Gujarat pogrom and the implementation of the POTA Act, which allegedly had severe consequences for Kashmiris already suffering under the PSA, did not sit well with voters. It was only after NC바카라s setback in the state assembly polls in 2002, that Abdullah resigned from the ministry.
Politics of Dignity and Conflict Resolution
The question of 바카라dignity of Kashmiris바카라바카라a phrase that appears five times in the current manifesto including the title바카라doesn바카라t quite match the NC바카라s political history. Now, Omar Abdullah in his address in the manifesto, refers to the document 바카라as a testament to our shared journey, a roadmap to reclaim the dignity and honour that has been the cornerstone of our identity for generations.바카라 The statement comes with the promise of repealing the PSA, the release of all political prisoners and rehabilitation of Kashmiri Pandits, echoing NC바카라s politics in the post-2002 elections when it failed to form the government.


Since 1989, mainstream Kashmiri politics has struggled with legitimacy amid rising separatist sentiments. In 2002, the PDP, with Congress바카라s support, broke NC바카라s dominance by introducing a more 바카라mainstream바카라 version of 바카라self-rule바카라 and political pluralism. Founder Mufti Mohammad Sayeed advocated for a regional council with members from both Kashmir and Pakistan occupied Kashmir (PoK), safe passage for militants, cross-border trade with dual currencies and the revocation of AFSPA, bringing separatist narratives into mainstream politics. In 2002, the PDP formed a government with Congress바카라s support, marking a phase where mainstream parties adopted a softer separatist tone.
The PDP바카라s 바카라soft separatism바카라 influenced the NC too, pushing it to address military excesses and human rights violations during militancy, issues it had previously avoided. Both parties recalibrated their positions, with the NC also echoing separatist narratives. NC바카라s Mehboob Beg in 2008 urged India and Pakistan to involve Kashmiris in resolving the dispute, while another senior leader Abdul Rahim Rather spotlighted the 바카라vexed바카라 Kashmir issue. Omar Abdullah even called for a Truth and Reconciliation Commission led by a neutral country.
The NC continues to rely on human rights and constitutionalism in its electoral strategy, while the PDP, weakened by its misadventure with the BJP, is back to banking on the party바카라s ties with former separatists.
Syed Saleem Geelani, former chief of the National People바카라s Party, who recently joined the PDP, described the party as a 바카라natural fit바카라 due to its advocacy for democratic, human and political rights in Kashmir. Although Geelani isn바카라t contesting this time, the PDP has fielded religious leaders with separatist links, including Aga Muntazir Mehdi, a Shia cleric and the son of a former Hurriyat leader.
In the lead-up to the elections, the PDP insisted that it isn바카라t contesting for mere seats, but for a 바카라political solution바카라 for Kashmir. While its current manifesto references Article 370, PDP chief Mehbooba Mufti clarified that the focus isn바카라t solely on restoring Article 370. 바카라The issue in Kashmir is a political issue requiring a political solution,바카라 she stated.


Politics of Development
Beyond regional dignity and autonomy, development has become central in both national and regional party manifestos in Kashmir.
While the BJP leads the development narrative, both PDP and NC underscore development in their respective manifestos. NC has promised 100,000 jobs, a Youth Employment Act, 200 free units of electricity, Rs 5,000 per month to female heads in Economically Weaker Section (EWS) families, free LPG cylinders and free education up to university level.
Elucidating on the transformation in the NC바카라s politics, Chowdhary says, 바카라Gone are those days when the NC centred its political discourse on autonomy following its political hibernation in the 1990s due to the compulsion of separatist politics. Now the party바카라s politics is much more pragmatic. They are focusing on governance from an economic aspect. They are also much more flexible now.바카라 In 2021, the NC accepted the PM바카라s invitation for meeting in Delhi. The party also appeared before the delimitation commission despite initial denial. The party changed its stance regarding fighting elections, she adds.
NC ally Congress is also focusing on development. In its manifesto, the Congress has promised preference to domiciled J&K residents in 바카라jobs, government contracts, land allocation and natural resource concessions바카라. It has also promised Rs 3,500 per month to 바카라바카라unemployed qualified youths바카라바카라 for a year.
AICC media coordinator of J&K, Abbas Hafiz Khan, says, 바카라We are not going to shift our focus from statehood. We went to the people of the Valley and they helped build our manifesto. The NC is a different party with a different agenda, but we aim to form the government and run it based on a common minimum programme.바카라


Khan also says the Congress will advocate for the land rights and employment opportunities of Kashmiris. 바카라In line with Bihar and Andhra Pradesh, we will request a special package from the Centre to address these issues,바카라 he adds.
Incidentally, the BJP has also promised restoration of statehood in their rallies, though the party바카라s manifesto makes no mention of it. At his Jammu rally, Modi said that only the BJP can restore the statehood of J&K. An irate Khan says that such promises are nothing but a jumla. 바카라If the BJP wanted to restore statehood, why didn바카라t they do it in the last five years?바카라 he said.
The Age of 바카라Vikas바카라
Since the abrogation of Article 370, a new political landscape has taken shape in J&K, marking a shift in strategies and narratives across the region.
바카라After years of struggle and sacrifices for 바카라Ek Vidhan, Ek Nishaan, Ek Pradhan바카라 we have fully integrated Jammu and Kashmir with the rest of India,바카라 the BJP바카라s 2024 assembly elections manifesto proudly proclaims, painting a zaffran (saffron)-tinted picture of development and 바카라Badalta Kashmir바카라 post abrogation of Article 370.
The narrative is a vindication of the 1953 slogan coined by Jan Sangh founder Shyama Prasad Mookerjee: 바카라Ek desh mein do vidhan, do nishan, aur do pradhan, nahin chalenge, nahin chalenge바카라 (Two Constitutions, two flags and two heads of state are unacceptable within one nation). At a recent rally in Jammu, Narendra Modi claimed that Kashmiris are finally 바카라breathing freely바카라 and welcomed the 바카라festival of democracy바카라, while lauding 바카라Badalta Kashmir바카라.
Modi바카라s penchant for 바카라undoing the asymmetric annexation of Kashmir with India바카라 is not new, as social scientist Bharat Bhushan notes in a 2020 paper titled Overhauling Kashmir Politics: Incubation of Artificial Political Processes Destined To Fail. Kashmir has been an important agenda in his electoral pitches across the country in the past decade and one that tends to fire the national imagination.
Modi has previously claimed how he marched from Kanyakumari to Srinagar and unfurled the tricolour at Lal Chowk on January 26, 1992, when 바카라militants were wiping their shoes with the Indian flag and stomping on it,바카라 invoking the imagery of an inveterate Indian braving the guns of militants to hoist the national flag.


In his paper, Bhushan puts into context the Tiranga Yatra, which was launched and led by the then BJP President, Murali Manohar Joshi, with Modi serving as the convenor of the event at that time. Lal Chowk, writes Bhushan, 바카라had been vacated and put under curfew. As they struggled to raise the flag, the flagpole snapped into two, hitting Joshi바카라s forehead. Finally, Joshi hoisted another flag provided by the state administration with just 67 BJP workers in attendance to slogans of Vande Mataram.바카라 No Kashmiri was present to witness the event.
The incident seems to foreshadow the party바카라s current rhetoric around Kashmir바카라s 바카라integration바카라 and 바카라development바카라. In its manifesto, the BJP offers glimpses of the 바카라progress바카라 it claims to have brought to J&K through initiatives such as the Zojila tunnel project, setting up of IIT, IIM and AIIMS and hosting events like Formula 4 racing and the Srinagar Marathon.
It highlights the 바카라transformation바카라 of Kashmir from the 바카라Capital of Terrorism바카라 to the 바카라Capital of Tourism바카라, with a record 2.11 crore tourists visiting in 2023. The manifesto also mentions Rs 80,000 crore worth of investment projects since the abrogation of Article 370.
Locals in Srinagar assert that many of these proclamations aim to impress voters in New Delhi rather than those in J&K. The manifesto emphasises development and investments, with 바카라Viksit Kashmir바카라 (developed Kashmir) as its core agenda, aiming to end separatism and terrorism. However, the party바카라s success depends on consolidating the Hindu vote in Jammu and splitting Kashmiri votes in the Valley, where independent candidates could play a crucial role, observers claim.
바카라The manifestos are mainly for the BJP바카라s New Delhi audience. In the Valley, Kashmiris do not vote for development; they vote based on identity and emotion,바카라 says veteran Srinagar-based journalist Sayeed Mallik, adding, 바카라This time, the emotion is distinctly anti-BJP, mainly for what it did on August 5, 2019. There is a sentiment to avenge the suppression, oppression and humiliation faced by the people in the last five years.바카라


The BJP has been criticising its rivals, the NC and former ally PDP, for exploiting the emotions of Kashmiris in their quest for power. 바카라Despite their claims of unity, these parties frequently betray one another yet compromise for power, once again seeking to exploit the people of Jammu and Kashmir,바카라 its manifesto states, taking potshots at the regional parties, while ignoring its own past alliance with the PDP.
In 2015, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed called the BJP-PDP partnership the 바카라coming together of the North and South Pole,바카라 while Mehbooba Mufti later described it as a 바카라cup of poison바카라 after the alliance crumbled in 2018. Bhushan notes that the BJP바카라s plan to eliminate regional parties involved invoking corruption charges against their leaders. When Mufti sought to form an alliance with the NC and the Congress to save her government, the BJP-appointed Governor, Satya Pal Malik, dissolved the legislative assembly immediately after the BJP바카라s withdrawal.
Observers also point out to the role of the BJP in creating new 바카라proxy바카라 leaders, such as former civil servant Shah Faesal, who quit the Indian Administrative Service and founded the Jammu and Kashmir People바카라s Movement in 2019, only to be conveniently reinstated in service by the Modi government in 2022.
From Separatism to Elections
Another notable aspect of the elections in the Union Territories of Jammu and Kashmir this year is the entry of separatists, fielded by parties like the PDP or backed by banned separatist organisations such as the Jamaat-e-Islami. Many of these candidates, some with Hurriyat links, aim to capitalise on the 바카라sentimental vote바카라 by appealing to Kashmiri identity, while also throwing in promises of 바카라development바카라.
Jamaat바카라s Pulwama candidate, Dr Talat Majid, for instance, is campaigning on the slogan of Development with Dignity, making key promises like 바카라safeguarding Kashmiri identity,바카라 ensuring 바카라police accountability,바카라 stopping the 바카라misuse of the PSA,바카라 and putting an end to 바카라preventive detention before VIP events,바카라 among other commitments.
The BJP shifted from a political to an apolitical approach in J&K, focusing on development and governance.
The recent Lok Sabha win of Engineer Rashid from Baramulla, defeating prominent opponents like Omar Abdullah and Sajad Lone, while in prison, marked a turning point for separatists. Rashid, historically opposed to the Congress, the NC and the PDP, is seen by critics as a BJP proxy in the electoral mix.
Rashid바카라s popularity has elevated him and other separatist voices to potential 바카라kingmakers바카라. While mainstream parties welcome separatist leaders as a democratic win, many suspect BJP manipulation. 바카라Appeal for separatist politics is invisible. But deep down, its lurking appeal is palpable. Voters, however, need to be wary of proxies,바카라 warns Mallik, citing emotional and religious connections separatists hold.
In Jammu, Hindu-majority residents are concerned about the BJP바카라s alleged ties to separatists amid a rise in militancy since the abrogation of Article 370. With 43 attacks in 2023 and 20 in 2024, including a deadly attack on Hindu pilgrims in Reasi, fears have grown, especially among Kashmiri Pandits seeking relocation for safety. Activist Sanjay Tickoo has filed petitions in court, citing the Centre바카라s failure to protect religious minorities. Meanwhile, the BJP바카라s campaign has banked on Article 370 and appealing to Hindu sentiments in Jammu.
바카라They have been talking about building temples and about Article 370. Nothing about jobs, the impact of abolishing the Durbar system or education and safety. These are the things that matter to voters,바카라 a Jammu resident said over the phone.
With the BJP confident of securing a majority in Jammu and the NC looking at gains in the Valley, speculation over potential alliances has begun circulating among political analysts. However, an alliance seems off the table for the top two regional parties in the Valley, as both the NC and the PDP have rejected the idea.
Mallik asserts that the PDP바카라s poor performance in the Lok Sabha elections earlier this year was evidence of the public바카라s anger toward the party for allying with the BJP. 바카라People have not forgotten or forgiven,바카라 he says. The NC also remains wary of any potential tie-ups that may cause embarrassment in the long run. 바카라After all, they can see what happened to the PDP,바카라 Chowdhary quips.
(This appeared in the print as 'Promises to Keep')