Land Reforms To CAA 바카라� Tracking The Growth Of Kerala바카라�s CPI (M)

Hundreds of people flooded the streets, their torches blazing with determination. Hijab-clad women, a rare sight, especially at a night rally, joined the protest in north Kerala, underscoring widespread opposition to the CAA. The vibrant scene, with chants and banners, painted a vivid picture of resistance, echoing demands for justice and equality. 

In the rally바카라�s front row, was KK Shailaja, Kerala바카라�s former Health Minister, a sitting MLA, who is contesting for the Vadakara Lok Sabha constituency. She was widely acclaimed as the 'Corona Slayer - the Rock Star Minister바카라� by the international media for the effective management of COVID under her leadership. 

Vadakara, once a CPI (M) stronghold, saw a shift after the murder of rebel party leader TP Chandrasekharan in 2012. Despite holding six of seven assembly segments in Vadakara, the CPI (M) has lost the Lok Sabha seat three times. Shyalaja is now tasked with reversing this trend and restoring the party바카라�s former dominance in the constituency. 

The notification of CAA rules has provided the party with a strong platform to rally the support of minorities, as well as garner a substantial portion of secular Hindu votes. 

CPI (M)바카라�s alliance with diverse communities highlights its bid to maintain Kerala dominance amid pan-India setbacks. The party바카라�s evolution involves aligning with civil society concerns, diverging from strict Marxist-Leninist ideology to adapt to Kerala바카라�s changing socio-political landscape since 1939. 

Greg Jaffe, a correspondent for The Washington Post, travelled from the US to Kerala to cover communism on the occasion of the 100th year of the Russian revolution in 2017. The Washington Post chose Kerala for studying contemporary communism, passing over more obvious choices like China or North Korea. 

During his travels, Jaffe found Kerala바카라�s unique social fabric compelling for reporting.  

바카라�My bosses asked me to write about what was left of the communist idea. Cameron Barr, one of my former bosses who recently left the Post, suggested that I focus on Kerala. I wasn바카라�t at all familiar with it,바카라� he said, adding that he read Amartya Sen바카라�s work on Kerala. When he spoke to Patrick Heller, a professor at Brown University, who studies Kerala, the latter recommended meeting Thomas Isaac, a two-term Kerala Finance Minister, in an erstwhile LDF dispensation.   

바카라�I was really impressed with his (Thomas Isaac바카라�s) idealism and commitment,바카라� Greg recollects.   

The Left movement in Kerala, especially the CPI (M), has been an intriguing subject for scholars in social science worldwide. The Left outfit is often perceived as a party adhering to unrealistic ideals in a country like India, deeply rooted in graded inequality, particularly in the form of caste.  

In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, the Left parties emerged as a formidable political force, securing 60 seats. The CPI (M) won 43 seats, the CPI secured 10, while the Revolutionary Socialist Party (RSP) and Forward Bloc each captured three seats, with party-supported independents claiming one seat. 

The CPI (M), despite holding 43 seats, opted to support the Congress-led United Progressive Alliance (UPA) government from the outside. This strategic decision reflected the party's prioritisation of ideology over direct parliamentary power, a precedent set when Jyoti Basu declined the opportunity to lead the UPA government in 1996. Basu faced opposition within the party바카라�s central committee and the Polit Bureau due to concerns about compromising the party바카라�s principles by implementing policies inconsistent with its principles. This choice, termed a 바카라�historic blunder바카라� by Basu himself, was contested by Kerala leaders like VS Achuthanandan and EK Nayanar, who objected to Basu assuming the Prime Ministership. 

One versed in CPI (M)바카라�s history wouldn바카라�t find such blunders surprising. The party바카라�s growth in Kerala contrasts with its decline in West Bengal and Tripura, reflecting its intertwined history with the state. 

The Communist Party of India바카라�s formation in 1939 at Pinarayi Village in Kannur coincided with the culmination of workers바카라� and peasant struggles in Malabar during the 1930s. Movements like the Civil Disobedience Movement and temple entry struggles by backward communities accelerated its formation. Malayalam was among the earliest languages to publish Karl Marx바카라�s biography and images of Communist leaders remain prevalent in Kerala바카라�s socio-political culture even 85 years later. 바카라�I remember being stunned to see the pictures of Lenin, Stalin and Marx hanging on the walls of buildings. In the West, we tend to see these men as villains or, at best, as believers in a failed and morally bankrupt idea. (In America, Stalin is viewed as a genocidal dictator like Pol Pot.) So that was very surprising and intriguing to me,바카라� recollects Jaffe. 

The first government of Kerala was globally unique as the second communist government elected through adult franchise after Italy. Despite its brief two-year tenure, it enacted landmark legislations such as the Land Reforms Bill and Agrarian Relations Bill, effectively ending landlordism and the exploitation of peasants and workers, shaping modern Kerala. 

Shortly after assuming office, the communist government under EMS Namboothiripad in Kerala issued an ordinance preventing tenant evictions, foreshadowing the transformative Agrarian Relations Bill. Its Education Bill aimed to protect teachers from exploitation by private school management. However, these reforms faced resistance from upper-caste landlords and the powerful Catholic Church, culminating in the government바카라�s dismissal under Article 356. 

Of the 32 leaders from the 7th Congress in Kolkata who formed the CPI (M), only VS Achuthanandan, known as an anti-corruption crusader, survives. His retirement marked a shift towards Pinarayi Vijayan바카라�s leadership. 

In 1969, the Left returned to power in Kerala under Namboothiripad바카라�s leadership. The seven-party coalition, led by CPI (M), won a significant victory with 113 seats and 52 percent of the vote share. However, internal discord led to the coalition바카라�s dissolution, with several parties leaving, including the CPI. Namboothiripad resigned in October 1969 and Kerala witnessed several coalition governments until 1980, with only one completing a full term during the National Emergency from 1970 to 1977. 

By the 1980s, the emergence of the LDF led by CPI (M) and the United Democratic Front (UDF) led by Congress brought significant stability to Kerala politics. Since 1987, Kerala has consistently alternated between the LDF and the UDF. However, this pattern was disrupted in 2021 when the LDF, led by Pinarayi Vijayan, secured a consecutive term in power. 

Electorally, the CPI (M) is perceived as the most dominant party in Kerala. Data analysis reveals a consistent swing of four to six percent between the LDF and UDF, determining the election outcome. Initially, Congress held the edge in vote share until 2001, but CPI (M) gained momentum in 2006, securing 30 percent of the votes compared to Congress바카라�s 24 percent. The rise of VS Achuthanandan as a popular leader during the period may have influenced this shift. 

In the 2011 election, despite UDF바카라�s narrow victory with four seats, CPI (M) secured the largest vote share at 28 percent, while Congress trailed with 27 percent. By 2016, the BJP had made significant gains, capturing 10.6 percent of the votes, leading to an erosion of Congress votes in favour of the BJP. In the 2021 election, despite a decrease in contested seats, CPI (M) maintained its edge with 25.3 percent of the votes, slightly ahead of Congress at 25 percent. 

Scholars worldwide are intrigued by CPI (M)바카라�s success in Kerala despite setbacks elsewhere, like in West Bengal. Brown University바카라�s Patrick Heller notes that the CPI (M) in Kerala has strong ties with civil society, a factor contributing to its resilience and influence.  

바카라�I think the difference largely lies in the fact that the CPI (M) in Kerala has always maintained strong links to civil society, whereas the CPI (M) in West Bengal ruled much more as a top-down party and ultimately succumbed to what political sociologist Michels referred to as the 바카라�Iron Law of Oligarchy바카라�.  In Kerala, because CPI (M) has been in and out of power, it has always maintained closer ties to its rank and file and has had to appeal to a vibrant democratic society where issues of environment, gender and other rights-based issues always have to be addressed,바카라� he said.  

The literacy movement initiated in 1989 and the People바카라�s Planning Programme launched in 1996, mark pivotal shifts in CPI (M)바카라�s ideology, aligning it more with social democratic principles than strict Marxist-Leninist doctrine. The People바카라�s Planning Programme empowered local self-governments, decentralising power and emphasising community involvement in development planning. This approach, which puts more focus on local participation, signifies a departure from CPI (M)바카라�s traditional ideological rigidity, fostering stronger ties with civil society. 

The Left party바카라�s relationship with minorities, particularly the Muslim community, has never been as organic as that with the Hindu fold. Historically perceived as a 바카라�Hindu Party,바카라� CPI (M)바카라�s presence has acted as a barrier hindering the growth of the BJP in Kerala. Shahul Hamid Mattumannil, Assistant Professor at GITAM University in Bangalore, notes that lower castes, specifically the Ezhavas and Scheduled Castes (SC), formed the core social base of the Communist Party. This alignment stemmed from the significant portion of the working class in the state belonging to these segments, positioned at the receiving end of the caste and class hierarchy바카라�. In a paper published in 바카라�Cogent Social Sciences바카라�, Shahul Hamid argues that social reform organisations, particularly among lower castes, created two opposing traditions: one interpreting the reformist values to connect the anti-caste movement with broader political mobilisation, and the other subscribing to a conservative interpretation leading to community exclusivism. Political scholars cite this as one of the factors enabling the coexistence of the right wing - such as the RSS - and the CPI (M) in Kerala. 

CPI (M) faces criticism for its patriarchal tendencies, evident in the limited representation of women in the Kerala Legislative Assembly, which has never exceeded 10 percent. Despite espousing progressive ideals, CPI (M) also falls short in promoting gender equality. Out of the 11 women in the present Assembly, 10 belong to LDF, with the Left justifying this disparity by comparing itself favourably to the UDF. However, the party바카라�s women바카라�s wing, the All India Democratic Women바카라�s Association (AIDWA), doesn바카라�t reflect this gender balance. Despite acknowledging the need for change, CPI (M) struggles to achieve gender parity, denying positions to deserving women leaders like KR Gouri and KK Shyalaja, who are often hailed as potential chief ministers. 

The ongoing election campaign for the 18th Lok Sabha signals a significant shift in CPI (M)바카라�s political trajectory. The party has faced criticism for its overrepresentation of the upper caste in its leadership. However, the current list of candidates, particularly from CPI (M), marks a unique departure. Out of the 20 candidates fielded by the LDF, nine are from minority communities, and six are from other backward communities among Hindus. Under Pinarayi Vijayan's leadership, CPI (M) is looking to overcome their historical distrust due to the party바카라�s rationalist stance. This shift reflects a broader strategy to diversify representation and address critiques of caste and religious biases within the party's leadership. 

CPI (M)바카라�s unequivocal stand against CAA and the protests organised by the party across the state brought the Muslim minority closer to the party, which is believed to have been reflected in the 2021 election. The changing political landscape of India appears to nudge the minorities, especially Muslims in Kerala, to align with whoever gives an assurance to stand against the growing Hindutva trends in the country.  

At the time of filing this report, several anti-CAA night marches were being taken out across the state, led by the Democratic Youth Federation of India, the youth wing of the CPI (M). All three political fronts - LDF, UDF and NDA - have started the election campaign in full swing, but it appears that the notification of CAA may well give an edge to CPI (M) and LDF in the battle for 2024.