Maharashtra Crisis: How The Cookie Crumbled For Uddhav Thackeray

Even though there were whispers within the Shiv Sena of Shinde planning to cross over to the BJP, the chief minister, instead of taking corrective steps, elevated his son Aaditya바카라�the junior-most minister바카라�to liaise between him and his Cabinet. While Shinde, aided by the BJP, tries to dismantle the party one Shiv Sainik at a time, Thackeray바카라�s toughest battle is holding on to the party founded by his father Balasaheb Thackeray.

A big flashpoint in the battle of perceptions and narratives is Uddhav바카라�s directive to the state chief secretary to intimate all his cabinet ministers to send their departmental files to Aaditya바카라�s office for perusal. 바카라�Aaditya would look at a file, take notes and only then would it be sent to the CM바카라�s office. The CM relies a lot on Aaditya바카라�s feedback,바카라� a senior bureaucrat in the know of things tells Outlook. Thackeray바카라�s dependence on his son instead of the experienced voices angered many senior leaders, including his own Cabinet ministers. 

The CM had circumvented the intra-party upward mobility queue to accommodate his son, the 31­-year-old Aaditya, a dynast in a hurry whose rise has been meteoric. He is a permanent attendee at all meetings attended or called by the CM, irrespective of the department concerned. Aaditya has more bureaucrats on his speed dial than the CM, say sources.

Since March 2020, when social distancing became the norm due to the Covid-19 pandemic, Thackeray had been following it in letter and spirit. He became a 바카라�virtual CM바카라�, always available, but only online. As the pandemic raged across Maharashtra, he remained confined to the safety of his home. He had delayed moving into the CM바카라�s official residence바카라�Varsha바카라�at Malabar Hill in downtown Mumbai, and continued to live in his personal residence바카라�Matoshree바카라�in suburban Bandra. 

Everyone, including grassroots workers of his party바카라�watched and interacted with him from a distance. As the pandemic spread, the CM appeared to become more aloof and distant. Social distancing바카라�meant to keep the disease at bay바카라�widened the chasm between him and his Shiv Sainiks, who appeared adrift, unable to interact with their chief, as they once used to do with their previous leader and Uddhav바카라�s father, Balasaheb. 

바카라�Balasaheb lived in the city but he was connected to the rural parts of the state. He knew the pulse of the Shiv Sainiks. Had Uddhav ji been more accessible, this crisis could have been averted,바카라� says Sriram Mandke, a Sainik from Ahmednagar in central Maharashtra.

The growing distance made the rank-and-file edgy and they started voicing their unease, some even saying the party must sit on the Opposition benches instead of the CM바카라�s chair. As Uddhav바카라�s Man Friday Milind Narvekar바카라�widely disliked by Sainiks for his 바카라�arrogance바카라� and 바카라�high-handedness바카라�바카라�grew powerful, the rank-and-file grew distant. It is this dislike for Narvekar which is now directed at Uddhav and has become the trigger for the CM바카라�s present political predicament. It was only after he drew flak from all quarters for his growing inaccessibility, did Uddhav think of moving out of Matoshree and of attending meetings in person. 

He even moved into his official residence, which he vacated soon after the rebellion began. Sena sources spoke to Outlook about Uddhav바카라�s reluctance바카라�then and now바카라�for holding meetings in the CM바카라�s chambers in Mantralaya바카라�the secretariat building바카라�as it was difficult to maintain social distancing norms.

So, the entire government machinery was moved to the spacious meeting room in Sahyadri바카라�the government바카라�s chic guest house, a stone바카라�s throw away from Varsha바카라�whenever the CM called a meeting. 바카라�It is easier for one man to travel to Mantralaya than have the entire government machinery shift to Sahyadri for meetings. It is such an irritant!바카라� a senior bureaucrat told Outlook, echoing the sentiments of many others.

While Uddhav바카라�s online interactions, including Facebook, Lives with people during the Covid-19 lockdowns and now, during the current crisis, has won him many followers, particularly women, his partymen started turning away. Sainiks, including senior leaders, complained they have turned away after long waits without an audience, as Matoshree and Varsha turned into impregnable fortresses, guarded zealously by Narvekar and his coterie. 

Uddhav had left the bridge-building with Sainiks to senior leaders바카라�a majority of whom have now rebelled against his leadership, and are ensconced in Guwahati. While Thackeray operated from behind, rebel leader Shinde, the minister for urban development바카라�now dropped from the Cabinet바카라�was moving around the state, strengthening his people-connect. Whether it was the heatwave, farm losses or other pressing issues, Shinde was always found touring the hinterland, establishing his footprint across Maharashtra.

A senior Sena leader who has decided to take the middle path in the current crisis told Outlook that it was a slight to Shinde during the government formation in October-November 2019 that has now come back to haunt Uddhav. 바카라�It was clearly evident Uddhav ji did not like Shinde saheb. Actually, Shinde saheb was poised to be the CM when the MVA was established. Even the CM바카라�s special security had been deputed to Shinde saheb바카라�s house after the police were informed that he would be the next CM. But Pawar saheb wanted a pan-Indian face for the coalition and foisted Uddhav ji on the seat. When he had given his word to make someone the CM, then Uddhav ji should not have taken the seat himself,바카라� said the leader.

The disapproval of his coalition constituents meant it was always going to be a tightrope walk so far as Hindutva was concerned. Neither could he pursue it aggressively, nor could he shelve it completely. A flashback to the events of 2019 will cast better light on the 바카라�return to Hindutva바카라� demand by the rebels. In the last week of December 2019, Uddhav바카라�who was the newly-elected CM then바카라�had expressed regrets that his party had mixed politics with religion and had partnered BJP for 25 years. In March 2020, when Uddhav went on a much-publicised visit to Ayodhya to commemorate 100 days of the Maha Vikas Aghadi government, Thackeray had announced a donation of Rs 1 crore towards the building of the Ram Mandir. He had also carried soil from Raigad Fort바카라�the capital of Maratha icon Chhatrapati Shivaji바카라�to Ayodhya, to the evident displeasure of other MVA constituents, the Congress and the NCP. He was also the first leader to visit Ayodhya after the Supreme Court verdict on November 9, 2019, which gave the go-ahead for the building of the Ram Janmabhoomi Mandir.

Yet, on August 5, 2020, when the BJP did bhoomi pujan of the Ram Mandir at Ayodhya, Uddhav was not even invited. Sainiks, who were already uneasy at the MVA coalition with their ideological opposites, were further angered that their party was not invited to the Ayodhya jamboree. No Sainik had gone to Ayodhya for the bhoomi pujan. This was the first signal for Sainiks that their party was veering away from Hindutva. Subsequent events, where he was not invited or did not go for functions attended by PM Modi in Mumbai and elsewhere in Maharashtra, did not sit well with Sainiks as well, said sources.

In the run-up to the 2019 Lok Sabha polls, Sena바카라�s slogan was 바카라�Pehle Mandir, baad mey sarkar (First let바카라�s build the Mandir, then we바카라�ll build the government)바카라�. Then Uddhav formed the government with parties that abhorred Hindutva. It mattered little that Uddhav had worn a saffron kurta at his swearing-in. By then, Sainiks had already started asking for more than just symbolic gestures. It seeded a three-year-long build-up of frustration. Now the dam appears to have burst.