How Congress Lost In Coastal Karnataka
BJP replaces Congress in 10 seats
- Kumta
- Byndoor
- Udupi
- Kapu
- Bantval
- Puttur
- Belthangady
- Moodabidri
- Mangalore city north
- Mangalore City South
BJP replaces independents in the following 3 seats
- Karwar
- Bhatkal
- Kundapura
BJP retains the following 3 seats
- Karkala
- Sullia
- Sirsi
Congress retains the following 3 seats
- Mangalore
- Yellapur
- Haliyal
***
The promised second coming did not materialise in the end. Yes, the flock did not really desert Siddaramaiah, the man from the shepherding Kuruba caste who learnt his alphabet by writing on sand. Seven lakh more Kannadigas voted for the Congress than for the BJP바카라though the vote바카라s distribution means that the party바카라s socialist icon has to bow out from the stage. Yet, the hung verdict in Karnataka contains lessons for the Congress as it attempts to write a fresh script in the sand, going into 2019.
It will especially try to evolve a new strategy in states with a strong regional party. The humbling tally of 78 out of 224 seats, well short of the midway mark, holds up an unmissable counterfactual poser to the Congress: what if they had a pre-poll tie-up with the JD(S)? The results thus revive the idea of a federal front. Should the Congress abandon the idea of fronting one, ceding space to an anti-BJP phalanx? Should it be in competition with other potential coalition leaders? Or does it, paradoxically, bolster the idea of regional parties looking for synergy with the Congress? As everyone confronts these questions, the verdict has also left the regional parties delighted because now the Congress has to go into coalition-making without being able to dictate terms: its old hubris.
There바카라s no dearth of 바카라local바카라 poll minutiae that may have a resonance elsewhere, in terms of parallels, as party strategists try to slice and dice the results for universally applicable lessons. 바카라The Congress got a higher voteshare than the BJP but it lost the day it tried to do without Lingayats and Vokkaligas,바카라 says a senior Congress leader and former Union minister. Also, in his assessment, Dalits seem to have voted BJP because of the Mala-Madiga conflict바카라the Congress leadership has Madigas as the Dalit face and Malas feel left out. 바카라These are leaders entrenched in the party structure. People who at one time represented the oppressed began to represent the status quo,바카라 rues this party leader.
How to take all this forward going into the battles of Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, and then 2019? 바카라We can바카라t even rule out an earlier-than-expected Lok Sabha election,바카라 says another Congress leader. 바카라Our decisions in terms of candidates and leadership will determine our fate.바카라 These are precisely the areas바카라candidates and leaders바카라where the Congress gets pilloried by pundits and insiders alike. The party is still restructuring its state leaderships, with Lok Sabha elections not a year away. This unsettles cadres and upper echelons alike, and confuses voters.
Its own internal structure is one thing, its external relations are another. 바카라The biggest debate in the Congress today is whether we should try and win elections everywhere or let regional parties do the job of defeating the BJP,바카라 says an AICC member. 바카라Rather than undercut the BJP바카라s rivals, we must take two steps back, let other parties take credit for wins. This is for survival바카라s sake,바카라 he says.
As Congress leaders confront the wreckage of nine lost state assemblies over four years, a view is taking hold that big sacrifices need be made바카라the question is, how big? 바카라Sometimes,바카라 as a regional leader of a party that has allied with the Congress in past elections says, 바카라defeat can be a better instructor than victory바카라.
Next year will exert multiple pressures, starting with how the national narrative captured by Prime Minister Modi can be rewritten by Rahul Gandhi and his allies. 바카라Rahul Gandhi바카라s leadership cannot be written off. Despite this loss in Karnataka, Opposition unity will take place,바카라 says RJD spokesperson Manoj K. Jha. 바카라But this loss will make the Congress more flexible towards regional parties.바카라
There are good reasons to compromise: 바카라The Congress can바카라t even assume that other parties won바카라t join a BJP-led alliance if the situation arises. After all, everyone except the RJD, SP and NCP have at one time or another done so,바카라 says Pune-based political commentator Suhas Palshikar.
Sacrifice is a tough call for a party trying to create the impression of a renascence, but the Congress could hearken to the example of Uttar Pradesh. Here, a combined SP-BSP assault swept Gorakhpur and Phulpur, demonstrating the viability of alternative fulcrums. The Congress fielded candidates in both these bypolls and lost, perhaps achieving nothing more than eating into the margins of the subaltern-flavoured SP-BSP combine.
바카라If Congress doesn바카라t align with the BSP before 2019, they will lose again in UP,바카라 predicts Satish Prakash, a Dalit ideologue in UP. His reason for believing so is that chief minister Yogi Adityanath has weakened the Hindu social alliance with his overly strong Rajput vibes바카라but not by so much that the Congress can woo privileged castes away from the BJP.


H.D. Kumaraswamy listens intently to Congress leader Ghulam Nabi Azad following a meeting with the state governor after the results, flanked by Siddaramaiah (right) and Mallikarjun Kharge
A top BSP leader is also assertive after the Karnataka verdict: 바카라The verdict is very good for regional parties.바카라 In his view, federalism requires the Congress to restrain itself from active participation in non-bipolar states. 바카라The BSP wants an alternative but the Congress is partially responsible for this situation바카라it needed to be taught a lesson.바카라 A Congress leader from Uttar Pradesh accepts the need for humility in ambitions. 바카라We can demand, as a right, perhaps nine Lok Sabha seats in a UP tie-up. Otherwise, it바카라s pointless to contest just to lose,바카라 he says.
Karnataka also proves that Dalits are not voting emotionally even beyond the cow belt. 바카라They are establishing a separate identity, demonstrating political prowess and dissatisfaction with their 125 Dalit MPs. But they바카라re not swayed by Congress either,바카라 says Prakash. Hence, the BSP is both a potential ally and a thorn in the side of the Congress. 바카라Dalits could have voted for the JD(S). It demonstrates no party can take Dalit support for granted,바카라 says CPI leader D. Raja. The Congress, he feels, will have to accommodate secular parties, including the Left, even if there is no direct contest between them. 바카라Regional leaders must be allowed to win in their respective regions,바카라 he says.
Gujarat, another state where the Congress came up short recently, offered another collateral peek into micropolitics. Here, the BSP, NCP and a breakaway party led by former JD(U) leader Sharad Yadav managed to tap into votes from among tribal groups, trade unions and other sections. 바카라Now, hopefully, Congress will review and draw the right conclusions from Gujarat and Karnataka,바카라 Raja says.
The other question is, should the Congress fight every rival tooth and nail바카라for instance, the AAP in Delhi? The balance of wisdom may be in lying low, but not contesting risks both viability and prestige. 바카라It바카라s precisely for this reason that the Congress can바카라t make room for regionally strong parties,바카라 says Palshikar. The leader from UP agrees바카라바카라We have to fight AAP. It has undercut us way too much,바카라 he says.
The fact that the BJP has lost 10 bypolls in a row in UP, MP, Rajasthan, Punjab and Bihar since 2014바카라lowering its Lok Sabha tally from 282 to 272바카라gives the Opposition reasons to believe in the BJP바카라s decline, incentivising the general trend towards putting up a united front. As the former Congress Union minister says, 바카라The BJP won바카라t do well in Haryana. In Rajasthan and MP, there바카라s anti-incumbency in our favour. In Gujarat we won바카라t lose badly. With Sharad Pawar, we can sweep Maharashtra. Modi will need every seat everywhere.바카라
Yet, Palshikar feels 2019 is not a 바카라foregone conclusion바카라. Despite the fact that the BJP 바카라would surely lose seats in the north, central and western India,바카라 Karnataka shows it has 바카라a psychological advantage and can offset its losses by winning seats in new territories. And it would be willing to accommodate smaller parties there.바카라
Where a federal front can suss out an opening is precisely in those places where the BJP will face its toughest counterparts in negotiations바카라the DMK-AIADMK duo, the TDP and the TRS, perhaps even the Shiv Sena. 바카라The crucial issue is that if the BJP needs support from over 50 MPs beyond its own, that would be a tough task for the present authoritarian BJP leadership,바카라 points out Palshikar.
After Karnataka, the BJP바카라s attention will turn to Telangana바카라here a 바카라discreet바카라 understanding with K. Chandrasekhar Rao is often alleged. Yet, the TRS leader is a potentially mobile element바카라he responded to Mamata Banerjee바카라s overtures for a federal front and he also called H.D. Kumaraswamy today. Rao is not available for any alliance with the Congress though, in a near-bipolar state. The anti-Congress sentiment in Andhra Pradesh has dwindled, say party sources. But there바카라s no possibility of an alliance there either, despite the BJP and TDP falling out. Jaganmohan Reddy of the YSR Congress cannot openly align with the BJP as his votebase in Rayalaseema includes Muslims and Dalit Christians. 바카라But there are serious cases hanging over Jagan,바카라 says the former Union minister. 바카라He can ally with the BJP post-poll rather than pre-elections. If Jagan wins 10 of 25 seats in Andhra, he will give his 10 to Modi.바카라
Jagan바카라s emergence can be, in a way, attributed to the Congress바카라s past challenges with allies. Following his father바카라s death, Jagan asked for the CM바카라s post, which the Congress high command declined. That estrangement and later the formation of Telangana was a big blow to the Congress바카라undivided Andhra contributed over 30 MPs to the UPA in 2004.
But the former minister rules out Jagan바카라s return to the fold. This, perhaps, shows the limits of dynastic succession. The Congress can distribute tickets but reserves dynastic rule for its own first family. At the same time, if all leaders demand chief minister바카라s posts for their offspring, the central leadership바카라s sway is eroded. But alienating regional satraps also minimises the Congress바카라s access to local demographic pools. Because, as the senior politician says, any viable Congress formula has to 바카라build on the caste chasm, especially in rural areas.바카라 Isn바카라t that cynical politics? No, he insists: 바카라Religion was invented to counter caste.바카라
Then there바카라s the fulcrum that was central to the UPA but which now seems almost chimerical: the compact between the Congress and the Left that gave rise to so much of the landmark social welfare legislation of the Manmohan Singh years. D. Raja바카라s admonitions apart, a large part of the reason for the near-divorce lies with the internal dynamics of the CPI(M). And now, not only does that partnership lie in tatters, but the Left itself has plummeted from 61 seats in the Lok Sabha to contemplating an existential doom. As the next season of alliance-making heats up, leaders from both sides may jointly ponder their fate.